| <b>Fouziah Gous</b> Akui Intim Dengan Duda Bergelar Datuk Seri Posted: 28 Mar 2012 04:17 PM PDT
| Fouziah Gous Akui Intim Dengan Duda Bergelar Datuk Seri Posted: 28 Mar 2012 11:03 AM PDT 
Setelah agak lama membiarkan spekulasi menghimpit diri, pelakon jelita Fouziah Gous akhirnya membuka mulut bagi mengesahkan desas desus mengenai keintimannya dengan seorang ahli korporat berstatus duda yang bergelar Datuk Seri. 
| | Liyana Jasmay Kini Tunangan Fathuddin, Nikah 24 Januari 2013 Posted: 28 Mar 2012 10:17 AM PDT 
Semuanya bermula dengan kiriman SMS pertama dari Fathuddin Mazlan, 28, yang berbunyi, "Hi jiran" kepada pelakon-penyanyi Liyana Jasmay di malam tahun baru lalu, akhirnya terjalin ikatan persahabatan antara dua insan ini. Daripada situ, mereka kerap bermesej hinggalah pada pertemuan sulung pada awal Januari lalu. 
| | Penerimaan dan toleransi masyarakat terhadap komuniti Mak Nyah Posted: 28 Mar 2012 12:47 PM PDT | | Mencari harapan di seberang laut Posted: 28 Mar 2012 12:47 PM PDT | | The Discrimation Still Exists Posted: 28 Mar 2012 12:42 PM PDT | | Hope in Blind Cafe Posted: 28 Mar 2012 12:41 PM PDT | | Anwar Ibrahim: Ceramah Perdana Kepala Batas 24/03/2012 (Part 2/2) Posted: 27 Mar 2012 11:38 AM PDT | | Keputusan SPM Dimanipulasi? Posted: 28 Mar 2012 12:47 PM PDT | | Bizarre: Girl locked up in bedroom for 18 years Posted: 28 Mar 2012 12:43 PM PDT Girl is now 36-years old and is still confined to her room By Staff/Agencies SAUDI ARABIA: A Saudi man decided to lock up his teenage daughter in her bedroom for an apparent punishment. The girl is now around 36 years and is still locked up. Police said they are not aware of the girl's trauma but a newspaper quoted neighbours and human rights activist as confirming the woman is still confined to her room in the eastern province of Qatif. "Neighbours and human rights sources said the girl was apparently subject to family punishment and violence and was locked up in her bedroom when she was a teen ager," Kabar Arabic language daily said. "They confirmed the girl is still confined to her room and is not allowed out…the sources urged authorities to immediately intervene and free the girl as she has been deprived from education and all other needs in life." Kabar quoted police spokesman Lt Colonel Ziad Al Rukaiti as saying authorities in the eastern region have not received any information about that case. But it also quoted a human rights activist as saying the girl is still locked up and calling on all parties to join hands in releasing her. "What this father has done is totally unjustified and cruel…perhaps he is suffering from mental problems given the fact that he has not yet realized the consequences of this act against his own daughter all these years," said Alia Al Fareed, a member of the Saudi Human rights Commission in the eastern area. 
| | Torture, suicide and 47 days of hunger Posted: 28 Mar 2012 12:38 PM PDT | | Sritharan (7) hit with shoe by teacher. Now father threatened by police on "old case": Classical UMNO cover up of gross racism. Exactly how UMNO racist system works. Posted: 28 Mar 2012 12:37 PM PDT | | Anwar: Pakatan unhappy with EC, may delay state polls Posted: 28 Mar 2012 12:35 PM PDT KUALA LUMPUR, March 28 — Pakatan Rakyat (PR) may not hold state elections concurrently with the national polls if the Election Commission (EC) fails to implement meaningful electoral reforms even after being compelled to do so by Parliament. PR de facto leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim said today that a decision on the matter was yet to be reached, but added that the pact's choice would be "influenced" by the EC's response to the parliamentary select committee's (PSC) recommendations. The PSC, which is meeting for the last time today, will be tabling its final report to Parliament next Monday. But Anwar revealed today that throughout the committee's six-month investigation, PR lawmakers — who are also members of the panel — had found the EC lacking in commitment to implement meaningful reforms as promised by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak last year. "We still have to state our strong objection because until now, the EC has not cleaned up the electoral roll, especially when the election is so near," he told a press conference here. He said the leaders of PR states are still negotiating on whether to hold simultaneous polls with national elections, but added there was fear the alleged voter roll manipulation could greatly affect the pact's chances if it remains unresolved. "I think we have to sit with them again. No decision has been reached yet. We have the option of whether we should hold it all together but it is still open," he said. Anwar stressed that the "central issue" to PR now is to ensure the EC commits itself to electoral reforms. "We have compelling evidence and facts to support our argument that the (election) process is fraudulent. "So that's the issue and that will influence our decision (on whether to hold simultaneous polls)," he said. Anwar added that PR would continue pressing for reforms in the election process even if the EC failed to do so. Barisan Nasional (BN) experienced its worst electoral result during the 2008 general election, when it lost five states to PR as well as its customary two-thirds supermajority in Parliament. But Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak has indicated that he will soon call for a general election, adding that confidence in his BN has surged of late. Umno-controlled Berita Harian reported the prime minister as saying in Port Dickson on March 24 that "rasa-rasa bunyi (PRU) dah dekat (it feels and sounds like (elections) are near)." The Umno president said last week he would dissolve Parliament when public confidence towards his administration is at its highest level. Observers say Najib, who took over in April 2009 ostensibly to improve on the ruling coalition's performance, will need to return BN's two-thirds majority to guarantee he remains in power. 
| | Serah kembali tanah ladang kami! Posted: 28 Mar 2012 12:30 PM PDT Seramai 150 peneroka berdemonstrasi secara aman di pejabat Menteri Besar Negeri Sembilan hari ini.  SEREMBAN: Seramai 150 peneroka Kampung Serampang Indah dari Serting hari ini mengadakan demonstrasi secara aman di hadapan Pejabat Menteri Besar Negeri Sembilan, Dato' Mohamad Hasan di sini bagi mendesak campur tangan beliau agar memulangkan semula tanah perladangan mereka secepat mungkin.
Mereka yang turut mewakili 250 peneroka yang lain berjumpa Menteri Besar di Balai Pengawal pejabat beliau. Mereka menyerahkan memorandum meminta Mohd Hasan berunding dengan syarikat Thamarai Holding Sdn Bhd agar tanah perladangan mereka dapat dikembalikan semula kepada keseluruhan 400 peneroka di Kampung Serampang Indah tersebut. Pengerusi Jawatankuasa Bertindak Peneroka Kampung Serampang Indah (Gatco), Abdul Rahman Ali Mohamad, 60, menjelaskan kronologi masalah yang membelenggu 400 peneroka terbabit timbul sejak 35 tahun lalu. "Peneroka di sini membeli tapak kediaman seluas satu ekar dan tanah perladangan seluas 10 ekar daripada syarikat Gatco pada tahun 1977. Peneroka Bumiputera membayar RM4,000 manakala peneroka bukan Bumiputera membayar RM7,600. "Pada tahun 1983, syarikat Gatco memperbaharui perjanjian dan melakukan pengubahsuaian dan keluasan tanah perladangan dikurangkan kepada lapan ekar. "Gatco membuat pinjaman dengan dua buah institusi kewangan iaitu United Asian Bank dan Nederlandse Financierings-Maatschappijvoor Ontwikkelingslanden. Bertolak dari masalah pengurusan, syarikat Gatco diisytiharkan muflis pada tahun 1996. Sepanjang tempoh ini peneroka gagal mendapat geran hak milik. Tanah perladangan dilelong "Pada tahun 2004 tanah perladangan ini dilelong. Kami bersedia membeli tanah perladangan ini melalui koperasi dan kami telah membayar deposit sebanyak RM320,000.00 (earnest deposit) kepada Tetuan Singam and Young (Pelelong). "Apabila kami ingin membuat bayaran peringkat kedua, pihak pelelong tidak mahu menerima bayaran dari kami atas alasan kami tidak mampu untuk menyelesaikan keseluruhan lelong tersebut. "Seterusnya tanah perladangan ini ditawarkan kepada Thamarai Holdings Sdn Bhd dengan harga RM16 juta. "Persoalannya kenapa pihak pelelong tidak meneruskan urusan lelongan dengan kami. Jika kami gagal membayar baki RM16 juta dalam masa yang ditetapkan, mereka boleh batalkan urusan ini," jelas Abdul Rahman. Abdul Rahman berkata mereka sanggup membeli tanah mereka pada harga RM18 juta dari Thamarai Holdings dan memohon jasa baik Menteri Besar dan Perbadanan Kemajuan Negeri Negeri Sembilan (PKNNS). Kuasa MB Tetapi selama ini Menteri Besar dan PKNNS tidak mahu membantu mereka walaupun kuasa tanah terletak di bawah Menteri Besar. Seorang lagi wakil peneroka Kampung Serampang Indah, C John pula berkata keadaan semakin meruncing apabila Thamarai Holdings sudah membawa masuk jentera dan jentolak untuk membersihkan tanah ladang (pokok getah) mereka. "Masalah kami sudah berlanjutan selama 35 tahun. Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri (Adun) Sungai Lui, Datuk Zainal Abidin Ahmad pernah berjanji untuk membawa masalah kami kepada perhatian Menteri Besar namun sehingga ke hari ini janji tinggal janji. "Oleh yang demikian pada hari ini kami datang ramai-ramai untuk meminta Menteri Besar campur tangan dalam masalah tanah ini dan berunding dengan Thamarai Holdings agar kami mendapat semula hak kami. "Kami sanggup membeli balik dari Thamarai Holdings dengan harga RM18 juta. "Sebelum ini Thamarai Holdings bercadang menjual tanah kami kepada kami pada harga pasaran iaitu dari RM25,000 hingga RM30,000 seekar sedangkan mereka membeli tanah kami dengan harga RM4,000 seekar. "Kami memberikan masa tujuh hari kepada Menteri Besar dan jika beliau gagal selesaikan masalah ini, kami akan membawa masalah ini kepada Perdana Menteri Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak. "Kami tidak teragak-agak untuk membuat bantahan di hadapan Pejabat Perdana Menteri di Putrajaya", kata John. Orang tengah  Sementara itu drama demonstrasi aman dan penyerahan memorandum ini tidak berakhir apabila Mohamad
Hasan ketika menerima memorandum berkata bahawa beliau akan menjadi orang tengah dalam masalah ini dan akan cuba berunding dengan Thamarai Holdings Bagaimanapun selepas Mohamad Hasan menerima memorandum tersebut dan ketika baru meninggalkan peneroka terbabit terdengar laungan agar Mohamad Hasan menyelesaikan masalah ini dengan segera dari luar pagar oleh Adun Senawang dari DAP, P Gunasekaran. Mohamad Hasan kembali semula ke Balai Pengawal dan berkata bahawa beliau tidak akan membantu peneroka sekiranya pembangkang campur tangan dalam isu ini. Ini memaksa Abdul Rahman dan John menjelaskan kepada Mohamad Hasan bahawa isu ini tidak ada kena mengena dengan pembangkang dan ini merupakan masalah peneroka semata-mata. Tanah milik syarikat swasta Dalam sidang akhbar selepas mesyuarat Exco, Mohamad Hasan berkata masalah yang dihadapi oleh penduduk di tanah ladang ini sebenarnya bukan masalah kerajaan negeri. "Tanah tersebut bukan milik kerajaan negeri sebaliknya milik syarikat swasta yang membeli tanah ladang itu melalui lelongan awam yang dibuat di mahkamah. "Syarikat Thamarai Holding membeli tanah tersebut melalui lelongan awam dan kerajaan negeri tidak pernah menjual tanah tersebut kepada syarikat itu kerana segala urusan jual beli serta lelongan dilakukan di mahkamah dan tiada kaitan dengan kerajaan negeri. "Walaubagaimanapun kita akan berusaha berbincang dengan Thamarai Holdings bagi mencari jalan penyelesaian yang terbaik untuk kedua-dua pihak. "Peneroka ini jangan terpengaruh dengan pihak lain yang cuba menghuru-harakan keadaan agar menjadi lebih sensasi. "Saya pasti ada pihak lain yang cuma mempengaruhi peneroka dan membuat dakwaan bahawa kerajaan negeri yang jual tanah ladang itu kepada pihak luar sedangkan itu tidak betul. "Janganlah terpengaruh dengan anasir luar. Siasat dulu dan faham betul-betul apa yang sebenarnya berlaku kerana masalah ini bukan satu perkara yang baru", ulas Mohamad Hasan. 
| | Nalla wants to 'impeach' Anwar in Parliament Posted: 27 Mar 2012 10:04 PM PDT 
(Malaysiakini) - Senator S Nallakaruppan is exploring the possibility of initiating an impeachment process against Anwar Ibrahim for allegedly lying to Parliament. This was expressed through his newly-appointed lawyer Shafee Abdullah, who said that "technically, it can be done", during a press conference in Kuala Lumpur today. "The opposition leader is an official position in parliament. The individual plays a big role to form check-and-balance to (the government). "As such, the personal conduct of a parliamentarian should come under the scrutiny of parliament. We will study if there is a process to impeach the opposition leader over his misconduct. "If we manage to do it, it will be the first of such case in Malaysia," said Shafee, a senior legal practitioner who is well known for his links with Umno. 'Even Clinton was impeached' Nallakaruppan had called for the press conference yesterday in order to announce Shafee's appointment as his lawyer for a RM100 million suit brought by Anwar. Anwar is suing Nallakaruppan, his former tennis partner, for making allegations about his sexual orientation in a front page report on the March 20 edition of Utusan Malaysia. Shafee spoke about the possible impeachment after Nallakaruppan, who stands by his allegations, was asked by a reporter on whether it was possible. Using the impeachment of former United States president Bill Clinton as an example, Shafee said a similar principle can be applied here. "Clinton was impeached not because he had sex with (Monica) Lewinsky. He was impeached because he lied. Shafee said he will be looking into the possibility of filing a "motion of dismissal" in order for Anwar to be referred to the rights and privileges committee for disciplinary action. 'Anti-Anwar Alliance' Meanwhile, Nallakaruppan that he and eight other former Anwar allies will be joining forces in order to "expose" more of Anwar's alleged wrongdoings. However, he was unable to provide examples of issues that would be raised, but did allude to the possibility of raising issues involving a woman by the name of "Shamsidar". "I don't want to mention what form of evidence. But you will know in court," he said. Other than Nallakaruppan, members of the new anti-Anwar alliance are Kulim Bandar Baru MP Zulklifi Nordin, Bayan Baru MP Zahrain Mohd Hashim, Padang Serai MP N Gobalakrisnan, Anwar's former aide Anuar Shaari, Keadilan founding member Ng Lam Yong, former AMK deputy chief Zahid Arif, Perkasa information chief Roslan Kassim and key witness in Anwar's first sodomy trial Ummi Hafilda Ali. 
| | Anwar, Quek subpoenaed over RM445m loan case Posted: 27 Mar 2012 09:30 PM PDT 
A defendant in a non-payment of loans case wants to put the then finance minister and a prominent banker on the stand as part of his defence. (Free Malaysia Today) - The High Court today allowed an application to subpoenae Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim to be a defence witness in a civil suit over a deal involving RM445 million syndicated loan facility given in 1998. Aside from Anwar, Hong Leong Finance Bhd executive chairman Quek Leng Chan, Hamzah Harun and Mohd Faiz Abdullah (both former director and shareholder of Arus Murni Sdn Bhd) will also be served notices to appear as defence witnesses, the High Court was told today. The four individuals are being summoned in an attempt by lawyers of the defendant, businessman Low Thiam Hoe, to link Anwar – the then finance minister and deputy prime minister – to the loan and the subsequent failed acquisition. However, lawyer for plaintiff Hong Leong Finance , Andrew Chiew, said he would be applying to the court to set aside the subpoenas for Anwar and Quek, saying that these witnesses were "unnecessary". Questioning the motive of the defence in bringing in these new witnesses and claiming that the defence was trying to "lead the court astray", Chiew said: "One can only question the real motive of this; in the circumstances…how does that feature in any way, material or otherwise, to the defence's case?" "It is so obvious that my learned friend is trying to change the case…We do not know where exactly they are coming from. If I close my case, and they call these two persons, I don't know what they'll say; a multitude of things and I am not given the chance to call more witnesses," Chiew said. Chiew, however, agreed for Hamzah and Faiz, who was also said to be Anwar's speech writer, to be called (as witnesses) as their names were repeatedly mentioned in the case. Low's lead counsel, D Paramalingam, argued that Anwar and Quek, along with Hamzah and Faiz, were needed as they form a vital part of the defence's case. "The person who actually instructed (the deal) was, namely, Anwar and there was a relationship there with Quek. These witnesses will form part of the evidence," Paramalingam said. He said that he had earlier this week failed to serve the subpoenas on Anwar, who is in Parliament, and Faiz, who is overseas. Quek cannot be located, he said. However, he added that the notices will be served as soon as possible. On March 19, the High Court judge Hadhariah Syed Ismail dismissed Low's application to amend his defence statement to include Anwar as "the person behind the deal". In rejecting his application, Hadhariah said it was made at the "eleventh hour" and had come too late in the course of the trial. Non-payment of loans
Chiew argued today that the judge's previous decision would make the subpoenas invalid, but Hadhariah said that it was premature to decide on this issue. Six witnesses of the plaintiff had already taken the stand. In 1998, Hong Leong Finance filed a suit against Low, Merkuritek Sdn Bhd and Arus Murni Sdn Bhd over non-payment of syndicated loans amounting to RM445 million. The loans were given to the parties in a bid to acquire financial institution Arus Murni Corporation Bhd (AMCB) which owns Kewangan Bersatu Bhd (KBB). Each defendant was sued for over RM28 million plus interest for the non-repayment of the loans. In 1999, Low filed a counter-claim against Hong Leong Finance (HLFB), HLG Capital Markets Sdn Bhd and Hong Leong Credit Bhd's former CEO Seow Lun Hoo asking for damages for alleged wrongful or negligent advice. Hong Leong also filed another suit against Mekuritek and three guarantors – Hussin Abdul Karim, Agus Salim Mohd Dom and Abdullah Abd Karim Bajerai – as defendants for a similar claim of RM28 million Today, the plaintiff's witness Seow Lun Hoo was called. He was the president and CEO of Hong Leong Credit between 1997 and 1998. Seow testified that he was introduced to Faiz in 1997 by Berita Harian editor-in-chief Ahmad Nazri Abdullah, who had informed him that Faiz was interested in acquiring AMCB, which was then known as Inchcape Timuran Bhd. "Faiz asked for my assistance in this acquisition… I introduced Faiz to HLFB and HLF Capital Markets to structure and to finance the acquisition of shares and warrants in AMCB. Low and Mekuritek also participacted," Seow said. During examination-in-chief by Chiew, Seow said that the proposed acquisition of KBB by Hong Leong Finance had nothing to do with the syndicated loans. "HLFB was prepared to acquire KBB due to Bank Negara Malaysia's initiative to encourage financial institutions to merge in the late 1997. In connection with this, HLFB had conditionally agreed to consider acquiring AMCB's shares in KBB subject to a due diligence exercise," he said. Seow later said that the deal did not go through as HLFB never agreed to the value of RM350 million which was a value indicated by AMCB. READ MORE HERE 
| | PKR Selangor - internal power struggle Posted: 27 Mar 2012 07:05 PM PDT KTEMOC KONSIDERS Azmin Ali attacked Hasan Ali for profligacy in spending as an ADUN. But alas, Khalid Ibrahim ended up as collateral damage, shot by Azmin Ali's barrage at Hasan Ali, because in the final analysis Khalid Ibrahim as MB failed to check and control Hasan Ali's expenditure. As blogger Choice wrote in his post Things Get Messier in Selangor As Khalid Ibrahim Jumps Into the Fray Khalid also confirmed that Hasan spent RM 329,000 on office renovations, but followed procedures when doing so. Phew, what a relief that these exorbitant amounts were officially authorized. Nevertheless, these clarifications do leave behind the bad taste of cronyism and wasteful spending practices, begging the question of oversight. And why do these revelations only see the light of day now? If Hasan wouldn't have been sacked, could he simply have continued his contract allocation and plush refurbishment unhindered? Would Khalid have stayed silent? This bit, frankly, we don't get. An objective observer might think Khalid was making these disclosures about Hasan Ali to cover his own tracks, his own past louche administration. On the other hand, was it just friendly fire, where Azmin had unwittingly exposed Khalid's poor governance in his control over Hasan Ali, compelling poor Khalid to come up with a weak excuse, as pointed out by blogger Choice? I hope you understand what blogger Choice had been meant by "his own past louche administration". Some say Azmin Ali wanted to get Khalid Ibrahim by showing the MB was incompetent, meaning someone wakakaka is now eyeing the MB's post. Meanwhile Hasan Ali attacked Azmin Ali though it was a low blow to raise questions about the parentage of Azmin's child. But Hasan Ali is known to be an asshole. Though he professes to be highly Islamic and thus rightfully in accordance with the teaching of Allah swt, a supranationalist, he is in the end nothing more than a racist, being just revealed kau kau as a Chinese-hater who preferred to cooperate with UMNO and to sabotage Pakatan's rule in Selangor because he couldn't stand the idea of some Chinese (DAP and PKR) being part of the Selangor Exco. Hmmm, not just a racist but a treacherous betrayer of Pakatan as well. But this post is not about him. Back to dear Azmin Ali who had been revealed by RPK as the bloke who had during the Hulu Selangor by-election provided UMNO with photographs of Zaid Ibrahim jollying, wakakaka. Poor Zaid, stabbed in the back kau kau. And apparently Eli Wong had also suffered the same internal party sabo. It must be a wonderful party where the musuh is dalam selimut, with members killing off each other rather than the external (real) foe - not unlike someone attempting to knock off the Sifu wakakaka - see my April 2006 post The Master & The Disciple.
I have to admit that Azmin Ali has made remarkable achievements. For a start, he was instrumental in getting rid of Rosmah Mansor from the UNISEL Chancellor's post. READ MORE HERE 
| | Sri Lanka issue: Govt explains abstention Posted: 28 Mar 2012 12:23 PM PDT Sri Lanka's problems cannot be solved overnight, and Malaysia is giving the war-torn country time to help itself, says deputy minister Richard Riot.  KUALA LUMPUR: Putrajaya has defended the decision to abstain from voting in a United Nations resolution urging Sri Lanka to "credibly investigate" allegations of war crimes during the final months of its civil war there.
Amongst the reasons, according to Foreign Affairs Deputy Minister Richard Riot, was that Sri Lanka's problems were too complex to solve in a short time. He said that the country, which had fought a civil war between 1972 to 2009, tabled a report investigating the war's atrocities in its own parliament on Dec 16, 2011. "Taking into account 30 years of conflict and complexities of domestic issues… unfair for (the UN) resolution to impose an obligation on the government of Sri Lanka to report in just three months," he said, during the wind-up on the Yang Di-Pertuan Agong's Speech today. Riot also said that Malaysia had acknowledged Sri Lanka's national reconciliation process as a domestic issue. He added that Sri Lanka had taken the "necessary steps" to share information with the international community over reconciliation and development efforts. Riot was referring to the US-led resolution which was adopted by the UN Human Rights Council on March 22. The resolution was passed with 24 votes in favour, 15 against and eight abstentions. (The countries that abstained from voting were Angola, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Djibouti, Jordan, Kyrgyzstan, Malaysia and Senegal.) In the last few months of the war, more than 40,000 people were alleged to have been killed by security forces and Sri Lankan rebel group, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE). To this, the Malaysian government acknowledged that genocide had indeed taken place in the conflict-ridden country, citing a paper known as the "Darusman Report". "…the report has said there were human rights violations and crimes against humanity…(by the) Sri Lankan government and the LTTE," said Riot. He said that Sri Lanka's Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) confirmed the same thing, adding that the country's security forces had acted in self-defence. He also claimed that Malaysia's abstention was not a double standard and that the country did not interfere in other countries' domestic affairs. Regarding the Israel-Palestinian issue, Riot said that Malaysia was looking for a peaceful solution between the two states. He also reassured MPs present that Malaysia would give Sri Lanka a chance to prove itself. "(But) if during the period of reconciliation, that they don't achieve peace, then the international community will meet and vote whether they will interfere or not," he told the House. Business deals allegation Pakatan Rakyat MPs however were not satisfied with Riot's response. Criticising the LLRC as "weak", Klang MP (DAP) Charles Santiago said that the LLRC report supported the Sri Lankan government. Ipoh Barat MP (DAP) M Kulasegaran said that it was "shameful" for Malaysia to be one of the eight abstaining countries. "I compare, these are irrelevant countries. They are substandard (in) human rights values and so forth. Can we compare to them?" "No! Malaysia is entirely different. Our standard is very high, our per capita income is very high. The expectation of the world is very high and we are a member of the Human Rights Council!" he said. He also asked on the allegation that Malaysia's abstention was due to billion-ringgit business deals with Sri Lanka. Kulasegaran claimed that there were "many big business people" in league with the Barisan Nasional government who were investing in Sri Lanka. In response, Riot said that matters of foreign trade did not come under his ministry and that it came under the Ministry of International trade and Industry. 
| | Can the general election be further delayed? Posted: 28 Mar 2012 12:19 PM PDT The BN is facing many problems. On 25 March 2012, when about 10,000 members of the public were attending the rally protesting against the shortage of teachers in Chinese primary schools, about 100 members of the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) and other organisations brought a watermelon to the Prime Minister Office (PMO) in Putrajaya and smashed it on the ground, demanding a solution for the extreme poverty of the Indians. By LIM SUE GOAN
Translated by SOONG PHUI JEE
Sin Chew Daily
According to the latest rumour, it is said that the next general election will probably fall in September, not June.
Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak recently said that the date of the election will be a surprise. It seems to comply with the above speculation. However, he also pointed out that the support for the BN is peaking, including in Selangor. If it is the case, then what is the Prime Minister still waiting for?
If the general election is not being held in the next three months, it might be because the BN needs some time to solve thorny problems, particularly the rare-earth refinery plant issue, to fight for votes from swing, urban, young and Chinese voters.
The BN is facing many problems. On 25 March 2012, when about 10,000 members of the public were attending the rally protesting against the shortage of teachers in Chinese primary schools, about 100 members of the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) and other organisations brought a watermelon to the Prime Minister Office (PMO) in Putrajaya and smashed it on the ground, demanding a solution for the extreme poverty of the Indians.
Members of the public were so agitated at the rally, showing that more efforts are required to gain Chinese votes. Although the strength of Hindraf has been polarised and grievances of the Indians have also been abated, there is still possibility of resurgence.
In fact, the BN's governance mechanism has faced challenges even before the 2008 general election. On 25 November 2007, Hindraf successfully gathered 30,000 people while 40,000 people joined the first Bersih rally on 10 November the same year.
On 9 July 2011, about 50,000 people attended the Bersih 2.0 rally and 30,000 participated in the Himpunan Hijau 2.0 on 26 February this year. They are then followed by the rally on 25 March to protest against the shortage of vernacular school teachers, as well as the Himpunan Hijau 3.0 scheduled on 13 April.
The high numbers of attendance of these rallies tell us that the anti-incumbent sentiment is still high and the effects brought by Umno's 1Malaysia concept, moderate line and policies are not as effective as expected.
The crux of the problem lies on the weak promotion on political reform. There are still weaknesses in the administrative system and therefore, the Pakatan Rakyat has continued pointing out its management weaknesses to offset the effects of various transformation plans.
The MCA and the DAP have engaged in a new war of words after Deputy Education Minister Datuk Dr Wee Ka Siong claimed to have been attacked at the rally. The MCA is again in an disadvantaged position due to the inconsistent arguments of the BN in responding to attack incidents over the past few decades.
To fight for swing votes, the BN must be daring to eliminate bureaucracy and administrative deviations. Only by doing so, old problems could be resolved and the stereotype of swing voters on the BN could be broken.
If the general election is held in September and the thorny problems remain unresolved, the BN might still be able to keep its regime with votes from its basic supporters, but there is no way to win back the two-thirds majority.
Moreover, how is the BN going to ensure no more scandal will be exposed in the coming few months?
Holding the election in the end of this year or early next year might also face economic risks. It is because no one knows whether the US will attack Iran or not, whether the international crude oil prices will rise to US$150, or whether the Euro zone will be struck by another debt crisis.
If the economy goes down, the good feelings created by money distribution and pay rise will be gone forever.
We are now in a period of political chaos with blurred concepts of right and wrong. Regardless when the next general election will be held, the outcome will be difficult to predict.
| | Nalla wants to 'impeach' Anwar in Parliament Posted: 28 Mar 2012 12:17 PM PDT (Malaysiakini) - Senator S Nallakaruppan is exploring the possibility of initiating an impeachment process against Anwar Ibrahim for allegedly lying to Parliament. This was expressed through his newly-appointed lawyer Shafee Abdullah, who said that "technically, it can be done", during a press conference in Kuala Lumpur today. "The opposition leader is an official position in parliament. The individual plays a big role to form check-and-balance to (the government). "As such, the personal conduct of a parliamentarian should come under the scrutiny of parliament. We will study if there is a process to impeach the opposition leader over his misconduct. "If we manage to do it, it will be the first of such case in Malaysia," said Shafee, a senior legal practitioner who is well known for his links with Umno. 'Even Clinton was impeached' Nallakaruppan had called for the press conference yesterday in order to announce Shafee's appointment as his lawyer for a RM100 million suit brought by Anwar. Anwar is suing Nallakaruppan, his former tennis partner, for making allegations about his sexual orientation in a front page report on the March 20 edition of Utusan Malaysia. Shafee spoke about the possible impeachment after Nallakaruppan, who stands by his allegations, was asked by a reporter on whether it was possible. Using the impeachment of former United States president Bill Clinton as an example, Shafee said a similar principle can be applied here. "Clinton was impeached not because he had sex with (Monica) Lewinsky. He was impeached because he lied. Shafee said he will be looking into the possibility of filing a "motion of dismissal" in order for Anwar to be referred to the rights and privileges committee for disciplinary action. 'Anti-Anwar Alliance' Meanwhile, Nallakaruppan that he and eight other former Anwar allies will be joining forces in order to "expose" more of Anwar's alleged wrongdoings. However, he was unable to provide examples of issues that would be raised, but did allude to the possibility of raising issues involving a woman by the name of "Shamsidar". "I don't want to mention what form of evidence. But you will know in court," he said. Other than Nallakaruppan, members of the new anti-Anwar alliance are Kulim Bandar Baru MP Zulklifi Nordin, Bayan Baru MP Zahrain Mohd Hashim, Padang Serai MP N Gobalakrisnan, Anwar's former aide Anuar Shaari, Keadilan founding member Ng Lam Yong, former AMK deputy chief Zahid Arif, Perkasa information chief Roslan Kassim and key witness in Anwar's first sodomy trial Ummi Hafilda Ali. 
| | Review of Chinese Schools in Peninsular Malaysia Posted: 28 Mar 2012 12:16 PM PDT Lee Ting Hui, Chinese Schools in Peninsular Malaysia: The Struggle for Survival
Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2011. Pp. xv, 282; figures, tables, abbreviations, glossary, bibliography, index.
Reviewed by Christine Chan.As its title suggests, Lee Ting Hui's book treats the ways in which Chinese schools in Peninsular Malaysia managed to survive from 1786 to 2003. Its approach is to consider how the British, Japanese and post-independence Malaysian governments posed challenges to Chinese schools and how the latter responded to those challenges (xiii). Chinese Schools in Peninsular Malaysia is arranged chronologically into seven chapters, with the first chapter providing an overview of the period from 1786-1941, beginning with the establishment of Chinese schools with the onset of Chinese migration to Malaya. Lee argues, on the basis of previous research (2006), that Chinese schools managed steadily to increase in number and to remain unaffected by British policy. The second chapter covers developments from the onset of Japanese occupation in 1941/1942 until Malaya achieved self-government in 1955. During the Japanese Occupation, Chinese schools were closed; they were only revived with the return of the British in 1945. The post-war period was also the time when Chinese educational organizations such as the United Chinese School Teachers' Association and the United Chinese School Committees' Association, which resurface constantly later in the narrative as the main defenders of Chinese education, were founded. Chapter Three covers the period between 1956 and 1969. The former year saw the governing United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) declare that they would work towards an "ultimate objective" in education—"to use the Malay language as the main medium of instruction in all schools". Lee notes that this objective "still holds today" (83). The latter year brought the 13 May racial riots between Malays and Chinese. Lee documents the decision for some Chinese-medium schools to switch to using English as the medium of instruction, while others became independent by refusing any aid from the government. Chapter Four covers developments during the 1970s, while Chapter Five treats 1980s. Each of these decades saw the government push towards its "ultimate objective" in education, resulting in severe difficulties for Chinese education. Some challenges were successfully overcome. For example, there was a campaign to revive the independent Chinese secondary schools in the 1970s. Others were not: the Malaysian government's "Operation Lalang" (weeding) in the 1980s saw the arrest of 106 persons under the Internal Security Act, among whom were certain Chinese politicians and educationists. Chapter Six of Chinese Schools in Peninsular Malaysia discusses developments from the 1990s to 2003, when Mahathir Mohamad retired from his position as prime minister of Malaysia. This period, according to Lee, was "eventful" because Mahathir's Vision 2020, a nation-building ideal, "brought both joy and disappointment to the Chinese community" (214), by threatening to end the use of Chinese to teach mathematics and science in National-type Chinese schools, but at the same time giving the Chinese community the chance to set up new colleges. Chapter Seven concludes the book by summarizing the various challenges posed by the government to Chinese schools, noting their responses to these challenges, and briefly examining the problems faced by the schools from 2004 to early 2009. Lee Ting Hui's latest book is a useful source of information on the history of Chinese schools in Peninsular Malaysia, based on detailed primary research in official annual reports on education and the publications of teachers' or school committees' associations. The book covers a wide range of issues concerning Chinese education, including funding, expenditure, language, staffing, school populations and school buildings. It can and will prove valuable for anyone interested in the topic of Chinese education in Malaysia. Useful background information accompanying the details from government reports and explaining responses from the Chinese community is also provided. For example, political and social developments in China such as the 1911 Sun Yat Sen Revolution or Malaysian developments like the 1969 racial riots between Malays and Chinese are incorporated into the story that Lee tells in Chinese Schools in Peninsular Malaysia. However, several weaknesses will diminish the book's overall impact. For one, this book might be difficult for a non-Chinese-literate person to read, because of its constant use of Hanyu Pinyin names. For example, who would know that the head of the Nanyang Overseas Chinese General Association for the Relief of Refugees in the Fatherland, whom Lee names as Chen Jia Geng (29, 50), was actually Tan Kah Kee, unless the reader were familiar with the history of overseas Chinese, or bothered to flip to the glossary to find the more commonly used name (249)? Or that Jiang Jie Shi is Chiang Kai Shek, to name another example (25, 252). Several typographical errors and awkwardly expressed headings (e.g. "A parting of the ways for the MCA and Chinese educationists, an event of misfortune for Chinese education", 99) point to the need for better proof-reading and editing of this book by ISEAS's publishing unit. On a side (but still related) note, there exist library copies of this book that have not only Lee's name on the cover but also that of a Malaysian educationist, Mok Soon Sang, as co-author. This occurrence is somewhat puzzling to me. A more serious problem appears to be the lack of attempts to explain certain observations made by the author (or authors?). Although full of detail and careful primary research, Chinese Schools in Peninsular Malaysia lapses at times into academic agnosticism. For example, in 1948, a Ten-Year Education Plan was implemented which sought to increase the amount of English language instruction in schools and gave equal status to the Chinese, Malay and Tamil languages in Singapore. Lee compares this to the earlier Cheeseman Plan, which had been accepted by the British in line with the Malayan Union but was strongly opposed by UMNO. The latter could not accept equal status for all four language streams of primary education. Lee seems to express surprise that, unlike the Cheeseman Plan, the Malay community did not oppose the Ten-Year Education Plan in Singapore. He concludes that "the reason for this is unfathomable" (51), but surely the area of the application of the plans (the Cheeseman Plan for the whole of Malaya, but the Ten-Year Education Plan for Singapore) and the contexts in which they were put forward make this difference quite fathomable. (The Cheeseman Plan was proposed alongside the Malayan Union Plan of 1946, which Malays opposed; it was thus not the contents of the Cheeseman Plan that they were against but rather what the plan represented in their eyes.) Lee's surprise at the lack of opposition to certain policies is also expressed elsewhere. For example, he finds it "strange" that a government educational report that would affect Chinese primary schools was not opposed by the Chinese community, but instead attacked by UMNO (53). This reaction is possibly due to Lee's approach of looking at government policy and the acceptance and/or rejection by the Malay and Chinese communities in broad strokes; more could be said about why there were varying responses at different times instead of merely dismissing them as "strange" or "unfathomable". This volume is a valuable study of the history of Chinese schools in Peninsular Malaysia over the decades. Although it focuses on the challenges posed by successive governments – the colonial government in the post-war period tried to introduce English-language instruction, while the Malay-dominated government in the post-independence period tried to dominate the education scene by achieving the "ultimate objective" of using Malay as the main language in all schools – it does not simply portray the Chinese community as victims reacting to problems. Much is said about the community's losses, such as the conversion of Chinese schools to National-type schools, which used English as their medium of instruction and later used Malay. At the same time, the Chinese community's agency is also shown in the ways in which it had negotiated and protested various policies, adapted to changes (Penang's Zhong Ling High School, or Chung Ling, is the classic example of how a Chinese school transformed itself into a near- English school in 1956.), and implemented strategies to advance their interests (such as capitalizing on ties to Chinese political parties). The story of how the Chinese minority in Malaysia managed to preserve much of its identity through Chinese education is a remarkable one, especially when one compares the situation in Malaysia with those of her neighbours, especially in the post-independence period. In Singapore, which Lee's book covers for the years before the island's separation from the peninsula in 1965, there are no longer any Chinese-language-medium schools, whether independent or government-aided. Instead, all vernacular schools were made to use English as their language of instruction, and students had to learn Mandarin, Malay or Tamil as their second language, depending on which ethnic group they fell into. In 1980, several formerly Chinese-medium secondary schools came under the Special Assistance Plan (SAP), which allowed them to teach both English and Mandarin as first languages and to promote Chinese culture. Nevertheless, these schools, while preserving their Chinese names and having enrollments of predominantly Chinese students (since all students in SAP schools have to learn Chinese and be rather proficient at it before enrolling), still teach all other subjects in English. The Singapore government's nation-building efforts are reflected in the purposeful choice of English, a language that does not belong to any of its ethnic groups, to bridge the communication gap that existed at the time of the nation's founding. A second reason is economic, since English is an international language and will aid Singaporeans in connecting with the rest of the world in tourism, commerce and so on. Also in 1980, the first overseas Chinese university, Nanyang University ceased to exist and was merged with the University of Singapore to form the National University of Singapore, thus ending any Chinese-language higher education in Singapore. Whether the move was political, due to a fear of Chinese political activism and communism, or practical, due to the lack of employability of its graduates, it is clear that Chinese-medium schools were not desired by the authorities in post-independence Singapore. From the point of view of Chinese educationists or advocates of the need to uphold a distinct Chinese identity, the situation in Indonesia was even bleaker. Any debate over whether Chinese in Indonesia should assimilate into the wider indigenous Indonesian community or integrate as a minority while keeping their customs and traditions ended with the emergence of Suharto's New Order (1966-1998), which carried out "forced assimilation". Indonesian Chinese citizens were made to change their names, the use of the Chinese language was banned in public, and Chinese schools were closed down. It is only in recent years, after the fall of the Suharto regime, that Chineseness has re-entered the Indonesian public sphere, with Chinese-language schools being set up and the widespread celebration of festivals such as the Lunar New Year. However, one might point out that it was more successful nation-building attempts in Indonesia and Singapore that led to the demise of their Chinese schools, and conversely, that the failure of the Malaysians to achieve agreement on the type of nation they want to build has resulted in the survival of their Chinese schools (since they struggle to preserve their distinct Chinese identity vis-Ã -vis the Malay majority). During the age of the strong nation-state, the successful story of survival that Lee presents thus has to be seriously questioned. Despite enabling the Chinese community to preserve its ethnic identity, Chinese schools also alienated the community that they served from jobs and higher educational opportunities in Malaysia. Granting that this is not only because of Chinese schools but also because of the way that Malaysian society has been structured, one can nevertheless but wonder how different things could have turned out in Malaysia if Chinese schools had gone into decline and the gap between the various races had lessened. The situation is likely to be different in this post-nation-building era. There appear to be greater overseas job and educational opportunities for Malaysians who attend Chinese schools, especially if they are from independent Chinese schools that teach both English and Chinese and sometimes even Malay. The setting up of a few Chinese colleges in Malaysia in recent years, which Lee briefly documents in the last chapter, also points to the increase in higher education options within Malaysia for the Chinese-educated community. An even more successful story of the Chinese schools in Malaysia might soon emerge with the rise of the People's Republic of China and the desire of neighbouring nations to capitalize on it. Christine Chan Li Hui has recently submitted an honours thesis entitled "TK-SD Kuncup Melati: An Indonesian Chinese Institution's Adaptation, 1950-2010" to the history department of the National University of Singapore, in which she will begin study toward a master's degree later this year. 
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